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SINCE the Middle Ages, Upper Silesia has been a place of co-existence for various nations - according to Gemeinde Lexicon fuer die Regierungsbezirk Oppeln (Berlin, 1912) there were exactly 1.133.149 Poles, 709.310 Germans, 88.051 bilinguals and 11,200 others living in the 22 counties of Upper Silesia. This inter-penetration of Polish, German and Czech cultures created strong feelings of supra-national community and regional separateness amongst Upper Silesians. After World War I, this consciousness gave fruit in a separatist movement. In 1919 Doctor Ewald Latacz had organised the Związek Górnoślązaków (Union of Upper Silesians), which before the plebiscite confirming their Polish status, has been campaigning under the slogan "Upper Silesia for Upper Silesians" and demanded the creation of a "free Silesian state". Its continuation was Związek Obrony Górnoślązaków (Union for the Defence of Upper Silesians), led by Jan Kustos and dissolved after his death in 1934. In Cieszyn-Silesia (former Austrian Silesia) from 1909 onwards Józef Kożdoń's Śląska Partia Ludowa (Silesian Peoples Party) was active. While Kustos' movement rallied Polish Silesians, who saw the future of Upper Silesia in a union with Poland, the SPL had a more pro-German character. The Polish Republic respected the economic and cultural separateness of Upper Silesia and in July 15, 1921 granted autonomy to "Województwo Śląskie". The autonomous status of the Silesian Province, was suppressed in May 6, 1945, by the communist regime.
Although native Upper Silesians are now a minority in Katowice province, the autonomist ideas are still alive. The most important values of the autonomists are a "Christian value of life", labour, freedom, family, tolerance, regional tradition and nature. They put stress on ecology, because Upper Silesia is a very polluted industrial region. Autonomists postulate the revival of Silesian culture, building of self-governments in communes and counties, and the preservation of health of Upper Silesia's inhabitants.
The main force of autonomist movement is Związek Górnośląski (Upper Silesian Union). ZG was created under a strong influence of the Catholic Church. This is not a political party, but broad social and cultural movement. Związek is based on the territorial, not ethnic foundations. Their principal task is struggle for the "regionalization" of Poland - the transformation of the Republic into a federation of autonomous regions. Upper Silesian Union publishes Nasza Gazeta (Our Paper) monthly.
More radical traditions of Kożdoń have been reanimated by Ruch Autonomii Śląska (Movement for the Autonomy of Silesia), founded in Rybnik in January 13, 1990. The first leader of the RAS was Paweł Andrzej Musioł, but he was expelled and now Rudolf Kołodziejczyk is the chairman. After ten months, they published the first issue of their bulletin Śląski Ruch Autonomiczny (now called Jaskółka Śląska - The Silesian Swallow). The first Congress of the Movement took place in June 29, 1991 in Wodzisław-Bierułtowice.
The RAS demands "the right of self-determination" for Upper Silesia: initially the restitution of pre-war autonomy (the so-called Statut Organiczny) and in the future "full autonomy" within the European Union. Ruch supports the Związek Ludności Narodowości Śląskiej (Union of Population of Silesian Nationality), which propagates the idea of a "Silesian nation". In the economic sphere the Movement demands the protection of native Upper Silesians from unemployment - they want to stop Upper Silesian migration. The RAS also appeals to Upper Silesian exiles in Germany to come back to their Motherland. This faction of autonomist movement collaborates with radical right-wing groups in Poland: in 1991 their MP* was elected famous Polish far-right politician Kazimierz Świtoń, in 1997 they were in block together with ultra-conservative Unia Polityki Realnej.
"NASZA GAZETA": Katowice, ul. Stalmacha 17, skr. 458.
Jarosław Tomasiewicz

* MP = Member of Parliament


The above reads "Germanization of Slavs". In recent weeks articles in major media, in Slavic, German, English, French and other languages, have appeared about what may be referred to as Europe's "Last of the Mohegans". The nation under discussion is referred to as Sorben by W. Germans. The English call them Wends. They are the Serbo-Łużyczanie. The Luzyczanie of the north speak a language similar to Polish, in the south the Serbs are closer, in makeup, to the Moravians. While the 300.000 German minority in Poland is speaking of migration and assistance from German nationalists, the Łużyczanie-Serbs are filled with fear of actual extermination. In 1945 German sources noted there were 500.000 of them. This number, after half a century, has been reduced to 200.000 (50.000 with no German blood!). Most of these 200.000 or 50.000, depending on your evaluation criteria, reside around Cottbus (Chociebuż) and Bautzen (Budziszyn). The majority are seeking something similar to what American and Canadian Indians have (cultural autonomy). They note that street signs in two languages is not enough. Others state their language is taught in many schools and, at present, folk events are not hindered (as they were and have been during the past several hundred years).
These Łużyczanie, as most call themselves, once numbered over a million. They have been acknowledged by most fair-minded scholars as indigenous inhabitants for at least the last thousand years. They have resided between the Elbe River and the Odra. Their relatives resided as far north as the island of Rugen (where their language was spoken until the 14th century). Being of similar appearance to Germans they were either assimilated, used as slave labour or simply killed. It is a fact that even Hamburg was originally part of their home. To deny that numerous regions, lakes and cities have names that mean something in Slavic languages would be to dwell on the pure German in a manner of the anti-Polish revisionist Dr. Weber (who, incidentally, has mostly Slavic physical features).
Monks, such as Fredegar, in 631, acknowledged that the Łużyczanie "were nothing more than Slavs". German religious leaders couldn't differentiate between their Slavic neighbours and, thus, referred to them in one or two categories as Sorben or Wends. The Łużyczanie, in Turn, called the Germans "Niemcy" (those who are unable to understand). By the VIII century Niemcy, with fire and sword, assimilated most of the Slavs from the Elbe to the Oder. In Mexico, a Spanish minority of 10-20% "assimilated" an 80% native population to Spanish law, language, religion and culture. Here, a 20-25% German element dominated the local indigenous Slavic inhabitants. It was not easy. In 1293 these Łużyczanie were such a physical threat in numbers that it became a crime to speak their own language in public. Even the pure Hitler types and nazi fanatics would have a tough time manipulating these facts. The death penalty was enforced! This occured in many cities including Leipzig, and in 1424, Dresden. By the XVI century Germanization was only deemed slightly necessary. Slavic language (overall) had been eradicated. The Serbo-Łużyczanie were the only ones to have survived. Their earth was forest with marshy-type grounds. Because of physical geography a tiny 8.000 km. Region was able to survive, avoid extermination and retain a unique European heritage.
Because of the complex mentality of what appears to be a need to dominate, only two small enclaves have survived a German onslaught that has lasted over a thousand years. One is Chociebuż (Cottbus). The other is Budziszyn (Bautzen). Many sources, from France, to Rome, to Eastern Europe, show that in the XVI century Budziszyn still had a very large Slavic population. Nevertheless, many citizens became mixed with the continuing influx of colonists. These Slavic people were able to master the Latin and German languages and told their children what nation they belonged to. It was simply amazing. Fire and sword did not eradicate them all. I fact, in the XIX century, when nationalism was officially acknowledged, masses read/heard of history. They commenced their own fire (intelectually) and they publicly stated who they were.
In 1815, after the Congress of Vienna, Prussia took over this Upper Slavic region. The Saxons politically owned the Southern Slavic area. During the so-called Spring of Nations Era, Łużyczanie became so brave that they publicly sang their national anthem, on the streets. Many homes displayed their national flag (Blue, Red and White). They were fighting for human rights against a continuing flow of colonists. The anti-Slavic policies of German hero Bismarck met diplomatic opposition among these indigenous ethnic Europeans. Slavic cultural control continued to shrink and decline.
In 1912 Łużyczanie wrote, in several locations, the word "Domowina" (Fatherland). They wanted to preserve a tiny place for themselves. A tiny place within a large Germany. After 1920 (again) the region faced intensive Germanizaton. It became easier for countless thousands of children to become "Germans". Łużyczanie papers, documents and studies were confiscated and destroyed systematically. Then came the pure and fair Hitler, hero to those who placed Germans above the European nation. In 1930s (again) massive arrests were institutionalized. Was the tiny nation of Łużyczanie a threat to Weber types? Was there a need to succeed at the cost of other, smaller, Europeans? Was there a need for achievement? Perhaps a thousand years of killings these Slavs was not enough.
During the cruel Russian/Soviet occupation of E. Germany most official oppression of Wends came to a halt. Hating Slavs was verboten. Germans were fearful of Russians and most knew that if it weren't for the Americans, all of Germany would have been occupied. Yet, still, factories were built and foreigners were imported from other lands to the "Last of the Mohegans' home". Because the Germans were afraid of Russians, they financed some of the harmless cultural needs of the Łużyczanie. One high school were created and 52 grammar schools taught the native Slavic language. At last folk activities were officially permitted. The region became a tourist attraction. Even 2.000 federal positions were reserved for the indigenous Łużyczanie natives. The Łużyczanie became the official minority. This brings us to Germany's re-unification.
At this writing German-capitalistic might is attempting to purchase Łużyczanie cultural sites. Consequently, once again, it looks like the face of death is looking at this tiny nation. There is real fear of extermination. They are seeking European brotherhood; they want to be represented in any future European Parliament. They say that if the Jews are entitled to Israel, they should be able retain a tiny strip of what is rightfully theirs. Their institutes in London, and other places, wonder if the world community will be noble enough to acknowledge their rights. Has the Tito-Hitler-Stalin element disappeared? By economically and morally supporting the independence of this tiny nation Germans can gain the respect and admiration of the world. Every effort must be made to prevent the extermination of Łużyczanie and prove Germany is truly part of the world community. Only a neo-nazi thought paradigm can prevent the Łużyczanie from achieving their dream of independence.
Bogdan Nimit


Although Lithuania wages just struggle for independence we can't forget about problems of national minorities in this country. In Eastern Lithuania about 350.000 Poles live. In opinion of the Sajudis government they are "Polonized Lithuanians" and the government curtails of rights of minority. For example there were 263 Polish schools in Lithuania in 1953, and now this number is reduced to 47. Nationalist Lithuanian groups like "Vilnija" association or Legaue of Lithuanian Liberty (successors of pre-war "tautinkai" party) demand "de-polonization" of Lithuania; newspaper "FSHODNIA LITVA. Gazeta rużnogavendnyh Litvinuv" promotes theory about existence of separate "Wicz" nation. In this situation Poles want to autonomy of their regions (Vilnius and Solechniki). The most radical organisation of Polish minority is Polska Partia Praw Człowieka (Polish Party of Human Rights), established in 1990 by Professor Jan Ciechanowicz. The ultimate aim of the party is creation in USSR the "Eastern-Polish Republic" on the territory of the Republic of Poland annexed by Stalin in 1939.


The Appeals Court in Vilnius on 17 August sentenced four ethnic Poles and one Latvian - all former local government councilors from the Salcininkai (Polish: Soleczniki) region south of Vilnius - to up to three-and-a-half years in prison for trying to create the so-called Polish territorial autonomy in 1990. In April, they were sentenced by a district court to up to six months in prison; the Appeals Court, however, increased that sentence following an appeal by the Lithuanian Prosecutor-General's Office.
In November 1990, a congress of councilors from the Salcininkai and Vilnius districts (inhabited mostly by ethnic Poles) passed a resolution declaring Polish autonomy in the Salcininkai district. The congress ruled that the 11 March 1990 parliamentary act restoring Lithuanian independence did not extend to the Salcininkai region, and it pledged to remain loyal to the USSR Constitution.
Several weeks later, the Salcininkai council obeyed Moscow's order to recruit for the Soviet Army, while the rest of Lithuania ignored that order. After the breakup of the USSR in 1991, the main Salcininkai district opponents of Lithuania's independence - Salcininkai council head Czeslaw Wysocki and two other persons - fled to Belarus or Russia. According to "Gazeta Wyborcza," those sentenced now were "less important members" of the Salcininkai council.
Three Polish senators who observed the trial - Anna Bogucka-Skowronska (Freedom Union), as well as Stanislaw Marczyk and Zygmunt Ropelewski (Solidarity Electoral Action) - told journalists that the verdict was a political decision. "The verdict is a hostile act toward Poles living in Lithuania, it is a distinct signal that the [Lithuanian] state looks unfavorably at their national aspirations. ..As a senator, I think that Poland should now look at Polish-Lithuanian relations with less enthusiasm," "Gazeta Wyborcza" quoted Bogucka-Skowronska as saying.
Former Polish Senat chairman Andrzej Stelmachowski, head of the "Polonia" association for maintaining ties with Poles abroad, said the trial had a "pure political nature," adding that "we should take political actions in Poland," according to BNS.
Janas Senkevicius (Jan Sienkiewicz), a Lithuanian parliamentary deputy of Polish origin and leader of Lithuania's Polish Electoral Action, said the four detainees will appeal to the Supreme Court. He pledged that his party "will do everything to make sure that the trial reaches the international level," BNS reported.
On 20 August, Jan Widacki and five Polish prominent public figures - Marek Edelman, Jerzy Giedroyc, Jacek Kuron, Adam Michnik, and Jan Nowak-Jezioranski - published an open letter to Lithuanian President Valdas Adamkus asking him to pardon the five detainees "in the name of good future Polish-Lithuanian relations." The letter criticizes those politicians in Poland who "in a brutal way" try to pressure Lithuania's independent judiciary. At the same time, the signatories say: "It is our deepest conviction that Lithuania is able to make a generous gesture toward the persons who - regardless of their past culpability - in no way threaten its independence or territorial integrity any longer."


Racist Terror in Northern Czech
After the "velvet revolution" racist incidents increased in Czech. The "storm-troopers" of a racist violence are skinheads and Nazi-punks organized into Fan-Club "Victoria Żiżkov" - semi-athletic club which is supported by Czechoslovakian Republican Party. In March 8th 1990 racists proclaimed a "racial war" against Gypsy (about one million) people and in Teplice, Decin, Ceska Lipa and other cities street fights between Gypsy and racist hooligans arose. Culminating point of the terror were incidents in Plzen: gangs of skinheads and nazi-punks possessed the town and terrorised inhabitants for over two days. Racists killed one Turkish TIR driver and wounded some workers from Viet-Nam. In the same time hooligans attacked coloured people (especially from Viet-Nam, but also e.g. black Canadian) in streets of Prague. Police didn't intervene. President Havel had to send army to northern Czech, Gypsy folklore festival procured special protection. Hooligans stopped their actions after Havel's appeal but Czechoslovakian Reps still challenge to racial struggle.
The Divorce of an "Unhappy Marriage"
Popularity of Slovakian nationalists is still growing: Slovakian National Party got 16 % of votes in the recent election and one month later 21 % Of people wanted to vote for the SNP (in the same public opinion sound Christian Democratic Movement lost 4 % and liberal Society Against Violence - 2 %). Chairman of SNP Vitiazoslav Moric claims his party is the strongest one in Slovakia: "Christian democracy and SAV aren't political parties, they are only movements", he said to several thousands of adherents during meeting in Bratislava.
In August 14th SNP together with 9 other nationalist groups (Stur's Association, Independent Slovakians' Party, Slovakian National Democratic Movement etc.) issued proclamation which demands total independence and sovereignty for the Slovakian Republic. "72-years-long marriage Czechs and Slovakians is unhappy, and therefore we should divorce as quick as possible" - SNDM claimed.
New opportunity for nationalist manifestations was the recent 52nd anniversary of death of Catholic priest Andrej Hlinka, the leader of the Slovakian national movement. During the 100 thousands of people strong meeting in Ruzomberok, separatists passed a resolution about a sovereignty of Slovakia again. Slovakian nationalists also try to rehabilitate Hlinka's successor - priest Jozef Tiso, who was the President (1939-1945) pro-Hitlerite "Slovakian State" - the only (except IIIrd Reich) country in Europe, which accepted anti-Jewish "Nurnberg laws". In July in Banovce village the plaque in commemoration of Tiso was unveiled - supreme dignitaries of Slovakian Catholic Church took part in this celebration.
Czecho-Slovakia is disrupted by another, unexpected separatism: the Movement for Self-Government - Society of Silesia and Moravia, which wants a creation of the separate republic of these Czech regions. This party, similar to north-Italian "Lombardian League", got 11 % Votes in Parliamentary election.
On The Edge of a Civil War
In April any Serbian shot at Croatian leader Franjo Tudjman during pre-election meeting. On May unknown perpetrator wounded Miroslav Mlinar - the chief of Serbian Democratic Party in Croatia. Another SDP activist Zdravko Zecević cut down all trees in front of his house and he bought a gun... In Zagreb after football match Croatian supporters of "Dynamo" Zagreb and Serbians - "Crvena Zvezda" Belgrade fans waged all-night street riots.
Now Serbian militia patrols streets of inhabited by Serbians cities in Krajina (Knin, Bankovac, Srb). Roads are barricaded, ties of friendship and neighbourhood snapped, mixed families go through a crisis. The resolution of the Croatian Parliament proclaims: "We stay in face of armed insurrection against Croatian state..."
Serbians in Krajina (about 12 % of inhabitants of Croatia) endeavour after autonomy because they are afraid of Croatian nationalism. Before the election activists of ruling now Croatian Democratic Union demanded rehabilitation of so-called Independent Croatian State (NDH), created by Hitler in 1941. Fascists led by Ante Pavelic murdered about one million of Serbians, Gypsys and Jews then. Croatian nationalists think about annexation Bosnia and Herzegovina, part of Vojvodina and Adriatic seaside of Montenegro.
Also ruling in Serbia neo-communists of Slobodan Milosevic want to change borders. In November in Montenegro the referendum will be executed regarding the union with Serbia. The next aim of Serbian expansionists is eastern and central regions of Bosnia (Serbians are 32 % of population of the republic) and at least part of Croatia territory (southern section of Croatian seaside, Krajina, Slavonia). Democratic election will alter nothing: Serbian opposition is more nationalistic than Milosevic. Oldest Yugoslavian dissenter Milovan Djilas prophesies: "After the fall of communism nationalisms will explode in multinational Yugoslavia. The nationalism could be stronger than aspiration for democracy..."
Anti-Semitic Incidents in Poland
"Dobry Żyd to martwy Żyd" (Good Jew Is Dead Jew!) - this slogan was written in Umschlagplatz in Warsaw on monument in commemoration of Jews martyrology. Also in Kielce someone painted the plate commemorating anti-Semitic pogrom on July 1946. Before then in this town two bomb attacks were perpetrated - during the performance of Jewish folklorist group "Nuje Tag" and the meeting with Seweryn Blumsztajn (organized by editorial staff of Solidarność paper "Gazeta Wyborcza"). Frequent street anti-Semitic excesses gave occasion to Parliamentary interpellation by deputy Ryszard Zieliński (Christian Social Union), who demands police protection for Jews - even chief-rabbi of Poland complains of cases of blusterings, pushes and abuses in a streets.
The Polish anti-Semitism is still alive. During public opinion sound (made by government Public Opinion Research Centre) 1,3 % of people answered the question "Who rules in Poland?" - JEWS (and 4,1 % - the Parliament). Anti-Semitic accents were heard in various circles, for example during meeting of right-wing trade-unionists (Solidarność-80 and Free Trade-Unions) in Kielce ("present ministers will escape to Israel after robbery our country") and during attack peasants' activists against Farmers' Union office in Sandomierz (shouts: "Jews in government!").
In municipal election in Łódź followers of right-wing Citizens Agreement (ŁPO) drew Jewish stars (Solomon's seal) on posters of rival Citizens Committee (WKO, led by Marek Edelman). But organizations, which became members of the Agreement (e.g. Union of Realistic Policy - UPR, or Catholic Intellectuals Club - KIK) appeared over-moderate: somebody painted on the door of their office slogan: "Jewish flunkeys".
Second Cyprus?
Rangers had to escort 400 members of Bulgarian Parliament during its inaugural July session in Veliko Tarnove. Several hundreds of Bulgarian nationalists, shouting "We don't want second Cyprus!", tried not to admit 23 Turkish deputies to the inauguration. Although nationalist the National Rights' Defence Committee sustained a defeat in the elections (only 2 seats) their non-parliamentary activity is stronger than ever.
During the meeting in Sofia, leaders of the Committee said to several thousands of their adherents: "We are defenders of human rights but we oppose decidedly the admission of any rights for group of alien ethnic consciousness". After the meeting nationalists organized a march to the office of Democratic Forces Alliance (main anti-communist opposition bloc, which is accused of "the treason of national interest").
Another "treason" - for nationalists - was students strike. "Righteous Bulgarians" from Kardzali (the main centre of nationalist movement) announced their visit in Sofia following the example of Roumanian miners from Jiu valley. In a face of threat with riots DFA appealed their supporters to formation self-defence groups. But, as one Polish observer wrote once, "even Bulgarian democrats don't like Turks". In so-called "city of truth" (the camp of anti-communist protesters) was no place for representatives of Turkish organizations.
"Drink Hungarian Blood!"
"Drink not only vine but also Hungarian blood" - disc-jockey exhorted visitors of one night-club in Tirgu Mures the day before 50th anniversary of so-called "second Vienna arbitration". The anniversary of the agreement, which turned northern Transylvania over to Hungary, for Roumanian nationalists became the occasion to new wave of anti-Hungarian manifestations. Their organization "Vatra Romaneasca" connected with Roumanian fascist emigration (Garda de Fier), in July organized in Bucharest demonstration under the banners "Transylvania for Roumanians" and "Down with Hungarian privileges". On August chance for incitement hatred weird death of Roumanian journalist Gheorge Robu.
Prejudice against Hungarians cements all political camps in Roumania. The government of National Salvation Front continues the policy of discrimination of Transylvanian Hungarians in order to exploit anti-Hungarian feelings. A little example of many ones: vice minister of education Octavian Stanasilu invalidated examinations for the secondary school certificate in famous Hungarian Bolyai grammar school. Also anti-communist opposition supports Roumanian nationalism: for example National Peasant Party retired from negotiation between Hungarians and Roumanians in Transylvania and appealed to anti-Hungarian manifestation in Tirgu Mures. In this atmosphere terrorist acts are happening, e.g. demolition of Hungarian school or fire-raising the "Malev" (Hungarian Air Lines) office in Bucharest.


Sri Lanka, sometimes called "Paradise Island", is inhabited by two major communities: 74% of them make up Sinhaleses (usually Buddhists), and 18% are Tamils, who are Hinduists. The majority of Tamils live in the southern part of India. They came to Sri Lanka in two groups: the first one in the Middle Ages and the other during the reign of the British. People from the first group settled in the northern and eastern part of the island. The others were brought as workers to the plantations in the central plateau and until today they are distinct, poorer and less educated community. On the island there are also Muslim Maurs (descendants of Arabic settlers), Christian Burgers (people of Dutch descent) and the original residents of the island - Wedds (in 1953 there were only 715 Wedds).
During their reign, The British favoured the minority of Tamils who, as a result of that, dominated economic, political and cultural realm on the island. After they had regained the independence, the majority of Sinhaleses started to equalize disproportions to their advantage. The rights of Tamil language were limited (in June 1956 a bill was adopted which made sinhala the only official language), Sinhalese people were allowed to settle in Tamils' areas, Tamils were dismissed from public departments. The effects were soon visible: between 1970 and 1971 the number of Tamil office workers decreased from 11% to 5%. As in 1969 50% of medical students and 48% of engineering students were Tamils, in 1983 Tamils made up only 22% of students of medicine and 28% of students of engineering.
This situation caused discontent of Tamils. In 1944 G.G. Ponnambalam formed All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC). This conservative party co-operated with right-wing Sinhalese United National Party (UNP) but this cooperation did not suit Tamils radicals. Five years later they set up Federal Party (Lanka Tamil Arasu Kazi, LTAK) led by S. Chelvanayakam and E. Naganathan. After 1956 LTAK, which advocated (announced) slogans of autonomous Tamils Country, took the lead of Tamil movement. In the spring of 1958 company of civil disobedience turned into bloody riots and in June the government broadened rights of Tamil language. But they were not realized because in September 1959 Prime Minister Bandaranaike was killed by Buddhist monk.
In June 1972 LTAK, ACTC and Ceylon Workers' Congress, which assembled Indian Tamils, formed Tamils' United Front (later renamed as to Tamils' United Liberation Front, TULF), which in May 1976 put forward demand of independence for "Tamil secular socialist state". Another organization's activity made TULF become more radical.
In the same year (1972) eighteen-year-old Velupillai Prabhakaran formed organization named Tamil New Tigers (TNT), which was modelled on Afro-American Black Panthers. The choice of the symbol was not accidental - Sinhalese lion (singha = lion) had another opponent. After the police had attacked the Tamils congress in January 1974 in Jaffna, the Tigers decided to fight and in June the next year they murdered the mayor of Jaffna. The militants from the organization were trained in Lebanese camps of maoist People's Liberation Front of Palestine and attacked the government officers. Since 1976 their official name was Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). In 1981 LTTE was split - an hard-line Marxist People's Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) with Uma Maheswaran as a leader separated from them. As in LTTE most of the members were people from the caste of fishermen Karava, in PLOTE there were people from the elite caste of Vellala.
Some new military organizations were formed: Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front (K. Padmanabha), Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization - TELO (Sri Sabaratnam), Eelam Revolutionary Organization of Students - EROS (V. Balakumar). We should to pay attention to that last group. Formed in 1975 in England it recruited Tamil workers from central Ceylon and favoured economic sabotage. EROS supposedly collaborates with Sinhalese maoist organization JVP (Peoples Liberation Front).
The turning point is the July 23rd, 1983. The Tigers kill 13 people. In response Sinhaleses kill Tamils in Colombo and other cities - according to some sources 2000 people were murdered, and many thousands were forced to escape. The sporadic acts of terror turn into heavy guerrilla warfare. Both sides of the conflict commit innumerable atrocities. In March 1985 the major organizations of Tamil guerrilla (except PLOTE) create Eelam National Liberation Front - ENLF. In summer 1985 the TULF and ENLF representatives conducted negotiations with the government. In December 1985 the TULF adopted the government's autonomy plans. In the middle of 1986 LTTE begins to fight other Tamil organizations (e.g. Sabaratnam was killed by the Tigers in May 1986).
Indian authorities, especially from the state of Tamilnadu discreetly supported the Tigers. India joined the conflict, what resulted in signing a peace treaty in July 1987: full citizenship for all Tamils, a wide autonomy for "Tamil Eelam", unification of the northern and eastern provinces united after a referendum... However, there was a problem with the Eastern Province, where 58% of the inhabitants were Sinhaleses or Muslim (though speaking Tamil language) Maurs, whose Sri Lanka Muslim Congress party did not want any Tamil Eelam. The Indian peace-keeping forces supervised the realisation of the agreement.
But the peace is attacked from both sides. Sinhaleses find it as a limitation of Sri Lanka's sovereignty and a menace of break-up of the state; the splitters from JVP (so-called People's Patriotic Movement) even commit anti-Indian terrorist actions. The Tigers do not agree to the disarmament. Consequently, the warfare begins again already in October 1987 and LTTE forces withdraw to the Eastern Province. In 1989 on demand of Sri Lanka's government the Indian forces are evacuated.
The Tigers took advantage of the fact that the Indian army was withdrawn and took control over the Jaffna Peninsula in 1990. They can effectively put up resistance to the government's army. They proved it with the attack on the military base in Mullaitivu where they killed 1000 soldiers. The suicidal bombing attacks of the LTTE also had far-reaching repercussions: in May 1985 in Anuradhapura - 146 casualties, a year later on a Bandaranaike airport - 20 casualties, then in April 1987 on a Colombo bus station - 110 casualties. They killed also Indian Prime Minister R. Gandhi in May 1991 and the president of Sri Lanka - R. Premadas in May 1993. Since 1983 50000 people have died.
Jaroslaw Tomasiewicz


I am afraid of Germany! Germany is the strongest state of our continent. Your expansive presence is noticeable in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Slovenia, Croatia, Lithuania, Ukraine, Russia... everywhere. United Europe is becoming a "Greater Germany". Helmut Kohl wins Adolf Hitler's war by economic means, a war for German domination in Europe.
Even a good man becomes dangerous if he has too much power. And you are too great for our small continent. German hegemony in Europe will not be better than the American or Soviet one - this is the way towards imperialism and technocratic semi-totalitarianism. German people, who are free from national megalomania and chauvinism, should also share this fear with small and medium-sized nations.
Is there any prospect of stopping the construction of the New Empire? I do not believe in socialist revolution, explosion of "green"/postmaterialist consciousness or any other miraculous solution. People are not able to destroy a state but people can transform, to decentralise, to regionalise the state, the system. German leftists and anti-nationalists, together with decentralist and regionalist movements, should proclaim a realisation of the grass-roots, organic "basic democracy", and even revival of folk culture and dialects, as their principal aim.
The medieval German "Reich" was a conglomerate of feudal states and estates, municipal and peasants' republics. The new Germany, if it is to be peaceful and democratic, should also be a confederation of regions and communes. The free states of Bayern, Niedersachsen and Franken can coexist with autonomous districts of national minorities such as Friesen or Sorben, and even - for example - with "The Free Town of Kreuzberg".
Confederated Germany could be guarantor of European freedom. The "Fourth Reich" of the Bundesrepublik is a guarantee of Europe's serfdom.


...We understand your hostility against fascism and other kinds of xenophobic right-wing, but ethnopluralism isn't fascism.
We don't discriminate between place and culture (ethnicity). A place, an environment is obviously the base. But if people live together in specific conditions (different from other places), they create their own specific culture - ethnic culture. Here, in Europe, regions are inseparably connected with their particular cultures. In North America, probably, there are not so strong connections between culture and territory - its society is more homogenous.
We are not enthusiasts of the state at all (some of us are anarchists) - and the nation-state too. We know that national state exterminates regional identities and autonomies in a similar way to the global supra-state which exterminates national identity and sovereignty. But we support national as well as regional resistance against globalism. In our opinion the nation-state is the frontline now, but the next one will be region. The nation-state is dying, and therefore we think it is not our principal enemy in presently situation. Our support for ethnic cultures - ALL ethnic cultures - is support not only for regional (for example - in Poland - Upper Silesian) and minority (for example - Ukrainian) identities, but also national ones (Polish). Here, in Eastern Europe, the term "nation" has a different meaning than in Western Europe. An Eastern-European nation is not a political (state) community, but cultural (language, consciousness etc.) one.